Showing posts with label cairo 1600. Show all posts
Showing posts with label cairo 1600. Show all posts

Saturday, June 11, 2011

A MAN'S HOME IS HIS MARKET

We see the "castle" as a paradigm, not just because we are at war with our neighbors - Hobbes' war of all against all being the reason for government. For us, the home is primary protection against the elements. In the words of William Pitt:"The poorest man may in his cottage bid defiance to all the forces of the crown. It may be frail - its roof may shake - the wind may blow through it - the storm may enter - the rain may enter - but the King of England cannot enter." After all, the way to take a castle is to "storm" it. In the 20th century military assault was by "stormtroopers." In our time, Iraq was conquered by "Desert Storm."  In a society of open courtyards, verandas (a Hindi word, likely borrowed from Portuguese), decks, roofs with hanging gardens, patios, arcades and colonades, concepts of safety, security, and ultimately, property rights, must have other paradigms.

In Nelly Hanna's biography of Isma'il Abu Taqiyya, Making Big Money in 1600 (American University of Cairo Press, 1998) she tells of how he expanded his home to meet the needs of his large and successful family. Established as perhaps the leading merchant of Cairo c. 1000 AH (c.1600 AD), certainly as one of its prominent men of commerce, he already had built a warehouse - wikala - that in fact included living quarters for travelers as well as shops and storage. To do that, they could not use "eminent domain": they had to buy each parcel, maybe 100 feet on a side for a small plot. It took years, but it respected property rights. He still needed to accommodate his wives, concubines, servants, slaves, and visiting clients. To expand his home, he bought the house next door and knocked out a wall. This enlarged his courtyard, baths, and stables, as well as yielding more living space.

The climate of Egypt - in contrast to that of northern Europe - allowed and demanded open spaces, open windows, doors, and arches. Entrance to the inner rooms was guarded, certainly, but the margin between public and private spaces was gradual and contextual. Homes had gates, certainly. But a merchant needs to meet people. And they need access to him.

Contrary to the custom elsewhere - and contradicting our own easy assumptions - there was no harem, separate quarters for women. Women and their children were arrayed in their own spaces based on social status. A concubine who had borne a child rated more honor than a wife who had not. Women also brought their wealth and status with them into a marriage. His third wife, having no children, assured her own income by taking control of the "trust" (waqf) established by her brothers. They relied on her to be a better manager and apparently she did not disappoint them. Meanwhile, she was the wife of Isma'il Abu Taqiyya until his death.

After his death, his family split up, children inheriting their shares. Boys got twice the girls' share, but each child got something. (Compare primogeniture in Europe.) Wives did not inherit directly. His one wife with children - themselves now married - brought her family together in one of the inherited smaller homes, acquired the place next door, and knocked out a wall.
By the time Ismail Abu Taqiyya was at his height of wealth (and health), his social space included the entire street of his home. He and a longtime friend had built their homes (and their wikalas) on the same street.
They acquired the neighboring properties piecemeal over time - respecting property rights, not only of the owners, but also satisfying the needs of those other waqf "trusts" which held property independent of the nominal owners.

This was not unique to them. With the government of the Mamluks fallen to the Ottoman Pashas who had not been able to exert control and who were themselves appointed for limited terms of office, the merchants of Cairo built and rebuilt large parts of it.

The piazza is a public space, but among urban Americans in the 19th century, it came to be a somewhat pretentious word for the front porch. For Americans, the front porch became the margin between the public street and the privacy of the interior home. Adults could sit and rock while children played games. Friends and neighbors could stroll pass and bid hello and good day. An industry arose to create special furniture for this special space. (As a measure of fire safety, the City of Ann Arbor forbids couches and other interior furniture from the porch. But in any case, it is unseemly: outdoor furniture is appropriate.) Europeans assigned to work in Detroit like Ann Arbor because our restaurants extend to the street, using the sidewalks for table spaces. (This fact was brought to my attention by engineers from an Israeli firm doing business here.) The margins between public and private spaces are blurred. It would be difficult to discuss anything illegal or immoral in such a context. Business and social life become transparent when conducted on the street. In such a context, you grant privacy by minding your own business.

Therefore, rather than the castle which holds against the storm, a commercial society of productive traders, offering values in voluntary exchange, is better served by a theoretical model or exemplar or pattern of open intercourse. That brings up promiscuity, the easy mixing of people, too easy for the Puritans for whom safety from the elements and their neighbors comes from being shut and shuttered.

In an open society, police without a warrant would be unwelcome in a home because they have no business there.

That openness is also reflected in the legal institutions of the time and place. There, four different schools of law - Hanafi, Maliki, Shafi'i, Hanbali - operated their own courts. In each, four different judges (qadi) heard cases. You could pick your judge. In addition, disputes among co-ethnics or co-religionists were expected to be handled within that community. Finally, of course, the Sultan and his Pasha could dispense state justice. Usually by proxy, as elsewhere and elsewhen, the ruler was nominally available to his people by direct appeal.

So, for a merchant such as Abu Taqiyya, different kinds of contracts were better (for him) registered with certain courts.

From our point of view today, it seems odd to learn that under shari'a law as practiced by the competing courts of Cairo circa 1000 AH is women sued - and were sued - on their own account. There is even a case of a Bosnian slave woman being sued. Women inherited their own money, managed their own estates. As now - as always - a woman with a forceful and compelling personality (usually from a wealthy family) could get some interesting clauses in her marriage contracts. By custom, a man is supposed to treat all of his wives equally. There is no way to enforce that -- usually. One woman had it written in and specified how many nights he was allowed to spend with the other wives, etc. As a clause in a marriage contract, it was enforceable. And if she left, she took her property with her. Contrast that with England or France of 1600 AD.


Also on Necessary Facts
The Family Business
Capitalist Culture
Thank-You Notes

Sunday, May 29, 2011

Capitalist Culture

Instead of vilifying him for being an idiot, we should be praising Michael Moore for being a millionaire.

 The Invention of Enterprise: Entrepreneurship from Ancient Mesopotamia to Modern Times (Princeton University Press, 2010) is an anthology that gives an high level view of the broad history of trade and commerce.  (My full review published by Libertarian Papers here.)  In separate chapters, David Landes and Michael Hudson identify the difference between creative and corrosive capitalism. The latter dominates in societies that deny the former.  The editors generally point out that in any society, some people will take the best advantage of whatever modes are offered for personal advancement.

In Rome, glory came from looting provinces.  Making money was not honorable.  So the wealthy left the management of their businesses to their freemen and slaves.  In America today, we allow both the marketing of technology and gaining government subsidies.  It is not just that both are legal, but that culturally, we do not distinguish between them.  Instead of vilifying him for being an idiot, we should be praising Michael Moore for being a millionaire.  He should get a hero's medal for selling large volumes of what people want to buy voluntarily.  

Instead of praising clever children who memorize the Presidents in order, we should be teaching them that "LinkedIn started out in the living room of co-founder Reid Hoffman in the fall of 2002. The five original founders were Reid Hoffman, Allen Blue, Jean-Luc Vaillant, Eric Ly, and Konstantin Guericke." (Company "About" here. )  I am not sure how to commemorate the chic restaurants in Rep. Nancy Pelosi's district that won exemptions to opt out of Obamacare.  The avoidance of regulation should not be taken lightly. 

BOURGEOIS VIRTUE

Deirdre McCloskey developed her theories on "Bourgeois Virtue" over the past two decades.  She now has two books out, with a third on the way.  She investigates the topic from many standpoints.  Generally, she finds that the things we are taught to dislike about being middle class include the social graces that benefit and profit us all. 
A potent source of bourgeois virtue and a check on bourgeois vice is the premium that a bourgeois society puts on discourse. The bourgeois must talk. The aristocrat gives a speech, the peasant tells a tale. But the bourgeois must in the bulk of his transactions talk to an equal. It is wrong to imagine, as modern economics does, that the market is a field of silence. "I will buy with you, sell with you, talk with you, walk with you, and so following. . . . What news on the Rialto?"
For one thing, talk defines business reputation, as at the Iowa City cocktail party. A market economy looks forward and therefore depends on trust. The persuasive talk that establishes trust is necessary for doing much business. 
"
Bourgeois Virtue" by Deirdre McCloskey, American Scholar vol. 63, no. 2, Spring 1994, page 249,  here.
Today we have social media. Corporations hire people or not, and fire them, based on what is revealed on Facebook and Twitter.  Reputational gossip has become all the more intense.  In a global culture, other people in other places grew up with different expectations entirely.  Rather than forcing conformity and avoiding risk, hiring managers who want their firms to profit should have the mechanisms in place analogous to those engaged by entrepreneurs. 
Market theorist Henry Girard Manne suggests that insider trading is one of those. 

In the anthology cited above, the chapter on the Middle East by Timur Kuran pointed to a biography of a Cairo merchant.  Making Big Money in 1600: The Life and Times of Isma'il Ibn Taqiyya by Nellie Hanna is a detailed account of one merchant in one place.  It so happened that he had his choice of courts, four of them, from different schools of law, in which he could register contracts.  Abu Taqiyya flexibly extended his trade network by crafting the clauses in his agreements.  Benjamin Franklin would have called it "prudence."

A MAN'S HOME IS HIS MARKET

We see the "castle" as a paradigm, not just because we are at war with our neighbors - Hobbes' war of all against all being the reason for government. For us, the home is primary protection against the elements. In a society of open courtyards, verandas (a Hindi word, likely borrowed from Portuguese), decks, roofs with hanging gardens, patios, arcades and colonades, concepts of safety, security, and ultimately, property rights, must have other paradigms. As he became wealthy, Isma'il Abu Taqiyya extended and expanded his personal space until his large home dominated his street.  He shared that street with a partner who made the same arrangements. They also did this with their warehouses (wikalat), which served as storage, emporia, and guest lodgings.  Public life was gradually excluded from private contexts as the visitor moved inward from the business into the home.


The piazza is a public space, but among urban Americans in the 19th century, it came to be a somewhat pretentious word for the front porch.  For Americans, the front porch became the margin between the public street and the privacy of the interior home.  Adults could sit and rock while children played games.  Friends and neighbors could stroll pass and bid hello and good day.  An industry arose to create special furniture for this special space.  Europeans assigned to work in Detroit visit  Ann Arbor because our restaurants extend to the street, using the sidewalks for table spaces.  The margins between public and private spaces are blurred.  It would be difficult to discuss anything illegal or immoral in such a context.  Business and social life become transparent when conducted on the street.  In such a context, you grant privacy by minding your own business.

Therefore, rather than the castle which holds against the storm, a commercial society of productive traders, offering values in voluntary exchange, is better served by a theoretical model of ready communication.  Jane Jacobs made the same point in Systems of Survival.  It is the Trader's Ethic to be open and available to deals with strangers.  Thus, capitalism is inherently globalist and democratic. 

ALSO ON NECESSARY FACTS
A Man's Home is His Market
Thank-you Notes
City Air Makes You Free
Knowledge Maps